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History
Little is known of the beginnings of the Tibetan people. They
originated from the nomadic, warlike tribes known as the Qiang.
Chinese records of these tribes date back as far as the 2nd century
BC. However, the people of Tibet were not to emerge as a politically
united force until the 7th century AD.
The Tibetans have many myths concerning the origin of the world
and themselves. As they suggest, the Yarlung valley was the cradle
of the civilization. Credible historical records regarding the
Yarlung Valley Dynasty do not emerge until the fledgling kingdom
entered the international arena in the 6th century. By this time
the Yarlung kings, through conquest and alliances, had unified
much of central Tibet. Namri Songtsen (circa 570-619), the 32nd
Tibetan king, extended Tibetan influence into inner Asia, defeating
Qiang tribes on China's borders. But the true flowering of Tibet
as an important regional power came about with Namri Songsten's
son, Songtsen Gampo (circa 618-49).
Under Songtsen Gampo, Tibetan expansion continued unabated. Armies
ranged as far as northern India and emerged as a threat to the
Tang Dynasty in China. Both Nepal and China reacted to the Tibetan
incursions by reluctantly agreeing to alliances through marriage.
Thus, Buddhism first gained royal patronage and a foothold on
the Tibetan plateau. The king even passed a law making it illegal
not to be a Buddhist.
For two centuries after the reign of Songtsen Gampo, Tibet continued
to grow in power and influence. By the time of King Trisong Detsen
(755-97), its influence extended across Turkestan, northern Pakistan,
Nepal and India. In 783 Tibetan armies overran Chang'an (present
day Xi'an), the Chinese capital, forcing the Chinese to conclude
a treaty that recognized new borders incorporating most of the
Tibetan conquests. Trisong Detsen was responsible for founding
Samye Monastery, the first institution to carry out the systematic
translation of Buddhist scriptures and the training of Tibetan
monks.
Contention over the path that Buddhism was to take in Tibet culminated
in the Great Debate of Samye, in which King Detsen is said to
have adjudicated in favor of Indian teachers who advocated a gradual
approach to enlightenment that was founded in scholastic study
and moral precepts. There was, however, much opposition to this
institutionalized, clerical Buddhism, largely from supporters
of the Bön faith. The next Tibetan king, Tritsug Detsen Ralpahen,
fell victim to this opposition and was assassinated by his brother,
Langdharma, who launched an attack on Buddhism. In 842 Langdharma
was assassinated during a festival -- by a Buddhist monk disguised
as a Black Hat dancer -- and the Tibetan state quickly collapsed
into a number of warring principalities. In the confusion that
followed, support for Buddhism dwindled and clerical monastic
Buddhism experienced a 150-year hiatus.
The collapse of the Tibetan state in 842 put a stop to Tibetan
expansion in Asia. Overwhelmed initially with local power struggles,
Buddhism gradually began to again exert its influence. As the
tide of Buddhist faith receded in India, Nepal and China, Tibet
slowly emerged as the most devoutly Buddhist nation in the world.
The so-called Second Diffusion of the Dharma (sometimes translated
as 'Law') in the late 10th century led to a resurgence of Buddhist
influence in the 11th century. Many Tibetans traveled to India
to study. The new ideas that they brought back had a revitalizing
effect on Tibetan thought and produced new schools of Tibetan
Buddhism.
By the time the Tang Dynasty reached the end of its days in 907,
China had recovered almost all the territory it had lost to the
Tibetans. Through the Song Dynasty (960-1276) the two nations
had virtually no contact with each other, and Tibet's sole foreign
contacts were with its southern Buddhist neighbors. This changed
when Genghis Khan launched a series of conquests in 1206 that
led to Mongol supremacy in the form of a vast empire that straddled
Central Asia and China. The Mongols did not give Tibet serious
attention until 1239, when they sent a number of raiding parties
into the country. They almost reached Lhasa before turning back.
Tibetan accounts have it that returning Mongol troops related
the spiritual eminence of Tibetan lamas to Godan Khan, grandson
of Genghis Khan, and in response Godan summoned Sakya Pandita,
the head of Sakya Monastery, to his court. The outcome was the
beginning of a priest-patron relationship between the deeply religious
Tibetans and the militarily adventurous Mongols. Tibetan Buddhism
became the state religion of the Mongol Empire in East Asia and
the head Sakya Lama became its spiritual leader, a position that
also entailed temporal authority over Tibet. The Sakyapa ascendancy
lasted less than 100 years. By 1350 Changchub Gyaltsen -- a monk
who had once trained in Sakya -- sought to defeat the Sakyapas.
The Mongol Yuan Dynasty in China lost its grip on power 18 years
later and the Chinese Ming Dynasty was established.
When the Mongol Empire disintegrated, both China and Tibet regained
their independence. Sino-Tibetan relations took on the form of
regular exchanges of diplomatic courtesies by two independent
governments. Changchub Gyaltsen's effort to remove all traces
of the Mongol administration was nothing short of a declaration
of Tibet's independence from foreign interference and a search
for national identity.
In 1374 a young man named Tsongkhapa undertook training with
the major schools of Tibetan Buddhism and studied under eminent
lamas. Tsongkhapa established a monastery at Ganden near Lhasa,
where he had a vision of Atisha, the 11th century Bengali scholar
who had been instrumental in the second diffusion of Buddhism
in Tibet. Although it's doubtful that Tsongkhapa intended to found
another school of Buddhism, his teachings attracted many disciples,
who found his return to the original teachings of Atisha an exciting
alternative to the politically tainted Sakyapa and Kagyupa orders.
His disciples established a monastery (Tashilhunpo) at Shigatse
in 1445, and the movement came to be known as the Gelugpa (Virtuous)
order. The founder of Tashilhunpo, Genden Drup, was a nephew of
Tsongkhapa. Before his death he announced that he would be reincarnated
in Tibet and gave his followers signs that would enable them to
find him. His reincarnation, Genden Gyatso, served as the head
of Drepung Monastery, which was now the largest in Tibet, and
further consolidated the prestige of the new Gelugpa order.
The Mongols began to take an interest in Tibet's new and increasingly
powerful order by the time of the third reincarnated head of the
Gelugpa, Sonam Gyatso (1543-88). In a move that mirrored that
13th century Sakyapa entrance into the political arena, Sonam
Gyatso accepted an invitation to meet with Altyn Khan in 1578.
At the meeting, Sonam Gyatso received the title of Ta-Le (Dalai),
meaning 'Ocean,' and implying 'Ocean of Wisdom.' The title was
retrospectively bestowed on his previous two reincarnations, and
Sonam Gyatso became the third Dalai Lama.
The Gelugpa-Mongol relationship marked the Gelugpa's entry into
turbulent waters of worldly affairs. Ties with the Mongols deepened
when, at the third Dalai Lama's death in 1588, his next reincarnation
was found in a great grandson of the Mongolian Altyn Khan. It
is no surprise that the Tsang kings and the Karmapa of Tsurphu
Monastery saw this Gelugpa-Mongol alliance as a direct threat
to their power. In 1611 the Tsang king attacked Drepung and Sera
monasteries. The fourth Dalai Lama fled Tibet and died at the
age of 25 (probably poisoned) in 1616.
A successor to the fourth Dalai Lama was soon discovered, and
the boy was brought to Lhasa under Mongol escort. Proponents of
Gelugpa domination had the upper hand, and in 1640 Mongol forces
intervened on their behalf, defeating the Tsang forces. The Tsang
king was taken captive and later executed, probably at the instigation
of Tashilhunpo monks. The fifth Dalai Lama was able to carry out
his rule from within Tibet. With Mongol backing, all of Tibet
was pacified by 1656, and the Dalai Lama's control ranged from
Kailash in the west to Kham in the east. The fifth Dalai Lama
had become both the spiritual and temporal sovereign of a unified
Tibet.
When he died in 1682, the Tibetan government was confronted with
the prospect of finding his reincarnation and then waiting 18
years until the boy came of age. The Dalai Lama's regent shrouded
the death in secrecy, announcing that the Dalai Lama had entered
a long period of meditation (over 10 years!). In 1695 the secret
leaked and the regent was forced to hastily enthrone the sixth
Dalai Lama, a boy of his own choosing. The choice was an unfortunate
one, as a resident Jesuit monk who met him noted that 'no good-looking
person of either sex was safe from his unbridled licentiousness.'
In China the Ming Dynasty had fallen in 1644 and the Manchus
from the north swiftly moved in to fill the power vacuum, establishing
the Manchu Qing Dynasty (1644-1912). Tibet's dealings with the
new Qing government went awry from the start. In 1705 Mongol forces
descended on Lhasa, killed the Tibetan regent and captured the
sixth Dalai Lama with the intention of delivering him to Emperor
Kang Xi in Beijing. The sixth died en route at Litang (probably
murdered) and Prince Lhabzang Khan installed a new Dalai Lama
in Lhasa. His machinations aroused intense hostility in Tibet
and created enemies among other Mongol tribes, who saw the Dalai
Lama as their spiritual leader.
Dzungar Mongols attacked Lhasa in 1717, killed Lhabzang Khan
and deposed of the new Dalai Lama. The seventh, chosen by the
Tibetans themselves, was languishing in Kumbum Monastery under
Chinese 'protection.' Emperor Kang Xi sent Chinese troops to Lhasa
in 1720. They drove out the Dzungar Mongols and were received
as liberators by the Tibetans, having brought the seventh Dalai
Lama with them. Emperor Kang Xi declared Tibet a protectorate
of China -- a historical precedent for the Communist takeover
nearly 250 years later.
The Manchu overlordship appointed a king at one stage, but temporal
rule reverted to the seventh Dalai Lama in 1750, who ruled successfully
until his death in 1757. The last Chinese military intervention
took place in reaction to a Gurkha invasion from Nepal in 1788.
From this time Manchu influence in Tibet receded. One significant
outcome of that intervention was a ban on foreign contact, imposed
because of fears of British collusion in the Gurkha invasion.
As Britain lost all official contact with Tibet and Russia aroused
fears by pushing the borders of its empire through Central Asia
and into India, Lord Curzon, viceroy of India, decided to nip
Russian designs in the bud. A 1903 expedition discovered that
the Dalai Lama had fled to Mongolia with a Russian 'adviser,'
Agvan Dorjieff. However, an Anglo-Tibetan convention was signed
via negotiations with Tri Rinpoche, a lama whom the Dalai Lama
had appointed as regent in his absence. The missing link in the
Anglo-Tibetan accord was a Manchu signature. In effect the accord
implied that Tibet was a sovereign power with the right to make
treaties of its own. The Manchus objected and in 1906 the British
signed a second accord that recognized China's suzerainty over
Tibet.
In 1910, with the Manchu Qing Dynasty teetering on the verge
of collapse, the Manchus made good on the accord and invaded Tibet,
driving the Dalai Lama once again into flight -- this time into
the arms of the British in India. It was during this period of
flight that the Dalai Lama became friends with Sir Charles Bell,
a Tibetan scholar and political officer. The relationship was
to initiate a warming in Anglo-Tibetan affairs and to see the
British playing an increasingly important role as mediators in
problems between Tibet and China.
In 1911 a revolution finally toppled the decadent Qing Dynasty
in China. The spirit of revolt spread to Tibet, where troops mutinied
against their officers and fighting broke out between Tibetans
and Manchu troops. By the end of 1912, the last of the occupying
forces were escorted out of Tibet via India and sent back to China.
In 1913 the 13th Dalai Lama returned to Lhasa. For the next 30
years, Tibet enjoyed freedom from interference from China. Sadly,
it was a short-lived affair.
Sir Charles Bell was dispatched on a mission to Lhasa in 1920.
It was then that the Dalai Lama agreed to accept a supply of modern
arms and ammunition from the British for the purpose of self-defense.
Lines of communication and a small hydroelectric station were
set up, and British experts surveyed parts of Tibet for mining
potential. The Tibetan social system, however, was the biggest
obstacle on the path to modernization. For the monks, the principal
focus of government was the maintenance of the religious state.
Attempts to modernize were seen as inimical to this aim, and before
too long they began to meet with intense opposition. The monks'
worst fears proved to be well founded when the Dalai Lama brought
the newly established army into action to quell a threatened uprising
at Drepung Monastery. Before too long, a conservative backlash
quashed all ongoing innovations. Tibet's brief period of independence
was also troubled by conflict between the Panchen Lama and the
Dalai Lama over the autonomy of Tashilhunpo Monastery and its
estates.
The regent of Reting ran the country after the 13th Dalai Lama
died in 1933. The present 14th Dalai Lama was discovered at the
village of Pari Takster near Xining in Amdo, and was installed
as the Dalai Lama in 1940 at the age of 4 ½ years. In 1947 an
attempted coup d'etat, know as the Reting Conspiracy, rocked Lhasa.
And in 1949 the Chinese Nationalist government, against all odds,
fell to Mao Zedong.
Unknown to the Tibetans, the Communist takeover of China was
to open what is probably the saddest chapter in Tibetan history.
The Chinese 'liberation' of Tibet was eventually to lead to 1.2
million Tibetan deaths, a full-on assault on the Tibetan traditional
way of life, the flight of the Dalai Lama to India and the large-scale
destruction of almost every historical structure on the plateau.
A year after the Communist takeover of China, in 1950, Chinese
troops attacked central Tibet and crushed their poorly equipped
army. In Lhasa, the Tibetan government reacted by enthroning the
15-year-old 14th Dalai Lama, an action that brought jubilation
but did little to protect Tibet from advancing Chinese troops.
An appeal to the United Nations was equally ineffective. To the
shame of all involved, only El Salvador sponsored a motion to
condemn the aggression. Britain and India, traditional friends
of Tibet, actually managed to convince the UN not to debate the
issue for fear of incurring Chinese disapproval.
The Chinese drafted an agreement and gave Tibet two choices:
sign on the dotted line or face further aggression. The 17-point
Agreement on Measures for the Peaceful Liberation of Tibet
promised a one-country, two-systems structure but provided little
in the way of guarantees that such a promise would be honored.
The Chinese prepared a forged Dalai Lama seal and ratified the
agreement. Initially, the occupation was orderly. Over time, however,
the large numbers of troops depleted food stores and gave rise
to massive inflation. It seemed inevitable that Tibet would explode
in revolt and equally inevitable that it would be ruthlessly suppressed
by the Chinese.
In 1959 the Tibetan New Year marked the addition of a Chinese
dance group at the Lhasa military base. The Dalai Lama's invitation
to attend came in the form of a thinly veiled command. Wishing
to avoid offense, he accepted. As the day drew near, his security
chief was surprised to hear that the Dalai Lama was expected to
attend in secrecy and without his customary contingent of 25 bodyguards.
Despite the Dalai Lama's agreement to these conditions, the news
soon leaked, and the Tibetans' simmering frustration came to a
boil. It seemed obvious that the Chinese were about to kidnap
the Dalai Lama. Large crowds gathered around the Norbulingka Summer
Palace of the Dalai Lama and citizens swore to protect him with
their lives.
Left with no choice, the Dalai Lama cancelled his appointment
at the military base. In the meantime the crowds on the streets
were swollen by Tibetan soldiers, who changed out of their People's
Liberation Army (PLA) uniforms and started to hand out weapons.
A group of government ministers announced that the 17-Point Agreement
was null and void, and that Tibet renounced the authority of China.
The Dalai Lama was powerless to intervene, managing only to pen
some conciliatory letters to the Chinese as his people prepared
for battle on the streets of Lhasa. In a last ditch effort to
prevent bloodshed, the Dalai Lama even offered himself to the
Chinese. His reply came in the sound of two mortar shells exploding
in the gardens of the Norbulingka. The attack made it obvious
that the only option remaining to the Dalai Lama was flight. On
17 March, he left the Norbulingka disguised as a soldier. Fourteen
days later he was in India.
Fighting broke out on the morning of 20 March and hundreds were
killed by the Chinese troops. A search through corpses at the
Norbulingka revealed that the Dalai Lama had escaped. After three
days of violence, it is estimated that around 10,000 to 15,000
Tibetans lay dead in the streets of Lhasa. The Chinese quickly
consolidated their quelling of the Lhasa uprising by seizing control
of all the high passes between Tibet and India.
The Chinese abolished the Tibetan government and set about reordering
Tibetan society in accordance with their Marxist principles. The
educated and aristocratic were to put to work on menial jobs and
subjected to struggle sessions, known as thamzing, which
sometimes resulted in death. A ferment of class struggle was whipped
up and former feudal exploiters -- some of whom the poor of Tibet
may have harbored genuine resentment for -- were subjected to
punishments of awful cruelty. Monks were expected to adopt a more
secular lifestyle that included marriage. Notable in this litany
of errors was the Chinese decision to alter Tibetan farming practices.
Instead of barley, the Tibetan staple, Tibetan farmers were instructed
to grow wheat and rice. They protested that these crops were unsuited
to Tibet's high-altitude conditions. They were right, and mass
starvation resulted. By late 1961, it is calculated that 70,000
Tibetans had died or were dying of starvation.
Even the Chinese-groomed Panchen Lama began to have a change
of heart. He presented Mao Zedong with a report on the hardships
his people were suffering and also requested, among other things,
religious freedom and an end to the sacking of Tibet monasteries.
Four years later he disappeared into a high-security prison for
10 years. His removal was for the Chinese the last obstacle to
be cleared away in the lead-up to the establishment of the Tibetan
Autonomous Region (TAR).
The TAR was brought into being in 1965 with much fanfare and
talk of happy Tibetans fighting back tears of gratitude at becoming
one with the great Motherland. Meanwhile, trouble was brewing
in China. What started as a power struggle between Mao and Liu
Shaoqi in 1965 had become by August 1966 the Great Proletarian
Cultural Revolution, a movement that was to shake China to its
core, trample all its traditions underfoot, cause countless deaths
and give over running of the country to mobs of Red Guards. All
of China suffered in Mao's bold experiment to create a new socialist
paradise, but it was Tibet that suffered most dearly.
The first Red Guards arrived in Lhasa in July 1966 and continued
its destruction of Tibetan culture and religious monuments for
more than three years. By late 1969 the PLA had the Red Guards
under control. Tibet, however, continued to be the site of outbreaks
of violence. Uprisings were brief and subdued brutally. In 1975
a group of foreign journalists sympathetic to the Chinese cause
were invited to Tibet. The reports they filed gave a sad picture
of a land whose people had been battered to their knees by Chinese-imposed
policies and atrocities that amounted to nothing less than cultural
genocide. Also that year the last CIA funded Tibetan guerilla
bases were closed down in Mustang, in northern Nepal.
By the time of Mao's death in 1976, rebellion was ever in the
wings, and maintaining order on the high plateau was a constant
drain on Beijing's coffers. Mao's chosen successor, Hua Guofeng,
decided to soften the government's line on Tibet and called for
a revival of Tibetan customs. In mid-1977 it was announced that
China would welcome the return of the Dalai Lama and other Tibetan
refugees, and shortly after the Panchen Lama was released from
over 10 years of imprisonment.
When the invitation to return was extended, the Dalai Lama suggested
that he be allowed to send a fact-finding mission to Tibet first.
Surprisingly, the Chinese agreed. Three missions came to the same
despairing conclusions. They catalogued 1.2 million deaths, the
destruction of 6254 monasteries and nunneries, the absorption
of two thirds of Tibet into China, 100,000 Tibetans in labor camps
and extensive deforestation. In only 30 years, the Chinese had
turned Tibet into a land of near unrecognizable desolation.
In China, Hua Guofeng's short-lived political ascendancy had
been eclipsed by Deng Xiaoping's rise to power. In 1980, Deng
sent Hu Yaobang on a Chinese fact-finding mission that coincided
with the visits of those sent by the Tibetan Government in exile.
While Hu's conclusions were not as damning as those of the Tibetans,
they still painted a grim picture. A six-point plan to improve
the living conditions and freedoms of the Tibetans was drawn up,
taxes were dropped for two years and limited private enterprise
was allowed. As was the case with the rest of China, the government
embarked on a program of extended personal freedoms in concert
with authoritarian one-party rule.
The early 1980s saw the return of limited religious freedoms.
Monasteries that had not been reduced to piles of rubble began
to reopen and some religious artifacts were returned to Tibet
from China. There was also a relaxation of the Chinese proscription
on pilgrimage. Pictures of the Dalai Lama began to reappear on
the streets of Lhasa. Not that any of this pointed to a significant
reversal in Chinese thinking on the question of religion. Those
who exercised their religious freedoms did so at considerable
risk.
Talks aimed at bringing the Dalai Lama back into the ambit of
Chinese influence continued, but with little in the way of results.
By 1983 talks had broken down and the Chinese decided that they
did not want the Dalai Lama to return after all. Around this time
a Chinese policy of Han immigration to the high plateau emerged.
Tibet was targeted for mass immigration when attractive salaries
and interest-free loans were made available to Chinese willing
to emigrate. In 1984 alone more than 100,000 Han Chinese took
advantage of the incentives to 'modernize' Tibet.
In 1986 a new influx of foreigners arrived in Tibet. When the
Chinese began to loosen their restrictions on tourism, the trickle
of tour groups and individual travelers became a flood. For the
first time since the takeover, visitors from the west could see
first hand its results. The foreigners were a mixed blessing for
China: They spent a great deal of much-appreciated money, but
they also sympathized with the Tibetans.
When in September 1987 a group of 30 monks from Sera Monastery
began marching around the Jokhang and crying out 'Independence
for Tibet' and 'Long live his Holiness the Dalai Lama,' their
ranks were swollen by bystanders and arrests followed. Four days
later, another group of monks repeated their actions, this time
brandishing Tibetan flags.
The monks were beaten and arrested. With western tourists looking
on, a crowd of some 2000 to 3000 angry Tibetans gathered. Police
vehicles were overturned and Chinese police began firing on the
crowd. China responded swiftly. Communications were broken with
the outside world and foreigners were evicted from Lhasa. It was
too late, however, to prevent eyewitness accounts from reaching
newspapers around the world. A crackdown followed in Lhasa but
it failed to prevent further protests in the following months.
By the mid-1970s, the Dalai Lama had become a prominent international
figure, working tirelessly from his Government in Exile in Dharamsala,
India, to make the world more aware of the plight of his people.
His visits to the USA led to official condemnation of the Chinese
occupation of Tibet. In 1987 he addressed the US Congress and
outlined a five-point peace plan.
The plan called for Tibet to be established as a 'Zone of Peace';
for the policy of Han immigration to Tibet to be abandoned; for
a return to basic human rights and democratic freedoms; for the
protection of Tibet's natural heritage and an end to the dumping
of nuclear waste on the high plateau; and for joint discussions
between the Chinese and the Tibetans on the future of Tibet. The
Chinese denounced the plan and gave the same response, when, a
year later, the Dalai Lama elaborated on the speech before the
European Parliament at Strasbourg, conceding any demands for full
independence and offering the Chinese the right to govern Tibet's
foreign and military affairs.
Protests and crackdowns continued in Tibet through 1989, and
despairing elements in the exiled Tibetan community began to talk
of the need to take up arms. It was an option that the Dalai Lama
had consistently opposed. If there was to be any improvements
of the situation in Tibet, he reasoned, they could only be achieved
through nonviolent means. His efforts to achieve peace and freedom
for his people were rewarded in 1989 with the Nobel Peace Prize.
Tibetans have won back many religious freedoms, but at great
expense. Monks and nuns, who are often the focus of Tibetan aspirations
for independence, are regarded suspiciously by the authorities
and are often subject to arrest and beatings. Once arrested, new
rules make it impossible for nuns to return to their nunneries.
Religious institutions have recently been the focus of re-education
campaigns and have had strict quotas imposed on the numbers of
resident monks and nuns. Monks in Drepung were recently forced
to sign a form denouncing the Dalai Lama on pain of imprisonment.
The Chinese officially deny any policy of Han immigration to Tibet,
but the issue poses the grave danger that the Tibetans will become
a minority in their own country.
Although great efforts have been made to curb the worst excesses
of the Chinese administration and a comparatively softened line
on minorities has improved conditions for many Tibetans, basic
problems remain. Protests and government crackdowns have continued
into the late 1990s, and the Chinese government has in no way
relented in its basic position regarding Tibet as a province of
China and is no closer to reaching an agreement of any kind with
the Dalai Lama.
There have been some positive moves, however. In 1997 the US
government appointed a 'Special Coordinator for Tibet' and President
Clinton's trip to China in 1998 further shed the spotlight on
the Tibetan issue. It is even hoped that talks might begin between
the Dalai Lama and Chinese Premier Jiang Zemin in a few years.
However, the status quo remains in effect: As long as there are
no bloody crackdowns in Lhasa, foreign countries can continue
to trade with China.
As the Chinese authorities trumpet rapid advances in industrial
and agricultural output, there is a growing feeling among observers
that China has switched from systematic persecution to a far more
sophisticated phase in assimilating Tibet into the Motherland.
Foreign investment, Han immigration and an education system that
exclusively uses the Chinese language at higher levels ensures
that only those fully integrated into the new system will be able
to actively participate in Tibet's economic advances. Chinese
economic control coupled with large numbers of Chinese settlers
make the Tibetan dream of independence ever harder to realize.
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